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Smoking Something
War critics are comfortably
numb
By Daniel Clark
The summary of a recent Pentagon report says there was "no
'smoking gun'" connecting Saddam Hussein to al-Qaeda. One
can just imagine how furiously somebody must have lobbied to have
that language included, because those are the same three magical
words that have been successfully used to convince the public
that Saddam had no weapons of mass destruction.
Because the "smoking gun" standard is entirely subjective,
the existence of such a thing can never be proven, at least not
to the satisfaction of a determined contrarian. Thus have the
most intransigent critics of the war effort succeeded in granting
themselves veto power over the facts. Regardless of the evidence
of Saddam's WMD, there cannot be a "smoking gun" until
Hans Blix, Cindy Sheehan and the New York Times agree to
say that there is.
That's the degree of denial that's necessary to characterize
the Pentagon report as anything other than an absolute vindication
of the war in Iraq. That study, comprised of information culled
from the evidence left behind by Saddam's government, makes it
clear to all but the willfully obtuse that removing the Iraqi
dictator was essential to any serious effort to combat terrorism.
A Senate Intelligence Committee report issued in 2006 had taken
an imprisoned Saddam Hussein's word for it that he had not cooperated
with al-Qaeda, although the terror group had met repeatedly with
his Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS). This new study, which has
received far less media attention, tells another story. "Captured
documents reveal that the regime was willing to co-opt or support
organizations it knew to be part of al-Qaeda," it concludes,
"as long as that organization's near-term goals supported
Saddam's long-term vision."
The identities of two of Saddam's beneficiaries ought to be
enough to cause the Senate to rescind, and apologize for, its
attempted exoneration of the deposed Iraqi government. One of
those groups is Egyptian Islamic Jihad, Ayman al-Zawahiri's organization
that became the nucleus of al-Qaeda. The other is the Afghani
Islamic Party, which Stephen Hayes of The Weekly Standard
tells us controlled that part of Afghanistan where Osama bin Laden
established his training camps in the early 90s.
In addition, Saddam has funded Ansar al-Islam, which has become
the core of al-Qaeda in Iraq, as well as Filipino al-Qaeda affiliate
Abu Sayyaf, and a Bahrainian group called the Army of Muhammad,
which an IIS document describes as an "offshoot of bin Laden"
whose use of a different title "can be a way of camouflaging
the organization."
This tells us not only that Iraq was collaborating with al-Qaeda,
but that it was doing so surreptitiously. That's why we're learning
that Saddam assisted many affiliates of, and precursors to, bin
Laden's organization, but we're not likely to find a picture of
the Butcher of Baghdad directly handing Osama an enormous check,
as if he'd just won the Dinah Shore Classic.
Not that it would make any difference, as long as we are operating
under the "smoking gun" standard. Even if we had a video
of the two men's lips meeting as they nibbled their way from opposite
ends of a long strand of spaghetti, the Democrats and therefore
the news media would forcefully deny any relation between them.
They'd probably even argue that if the two villains were really
in cahoots, they'd never be careless enough to be seen together.
Perhaps because of our gullibility regarding dual-use materials
related to Saddam's WMD programs, he seems to have understood
that all he needed was a modicum of deniability in order to placate
the West. If an al-Qaeda terror cell wanted to be eligible for
Iraqi funding, all it needed to do was change its name to al-Cougar
Mellencamp, and it could count on the rest of the world to play
dumb.
By swiftly dismissing the evidence as it arises, the three magic
words have spared the "Bush lied" chorus responsibility
for everything about which it has been proven wrong. Critics of
inaccurate prewar intelligence have themselves been far less accurate
in their anti-war intelligence, such as their certainty that Islamic
terrorists would never cooperate with an infidel like Saddam.
As long as they maintain that there's "no smoking gun"
to the contrary, however, they need never admit fault.
By refusing to accept unwanted realities, they've relegated
themselves to the land of the anti-war lotus-eaters, where they
remain comfortably numb to the impact of the emerging facts. The
tragedy is that most American news consumers have become unwittingly
trapped in that haze-filled netherworld with them.
Daniel Clark is a staff writer for the New Media Alliance, Inc.
The New Media Alliance is a non-profit (501c3) national coalition
of writers, journalists and grass-roots media outlets.
New Media Alliance Television (http://www.nmatv.com)
New Media Alliance Blogs (http://www.thenma.org/blogs)
New Media Alliance Podcasts (http://www.avmypodcast.com/file/thenma/index.asp?pid=218)
http://www.therealitycheck.org
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